It was previously reported that Libby's defense in the Plame investigation would include putting the media on trial. [In this context "the media" includes Matt Cooper of TIME, Judy Miller, formerly of the NY Times, and Tim Russert of NBC News, all of whom were named in the Libby indictment. In addition, the new court filing indicates that Libby's defense may seek testimony from Andrea Mitchell of NBC News, Bob Woodward and Walter Pincus of the Washington Post, and perhaps others (I nominate Nick Kristof)].
The court filings, as described by Reuters, the AP, and the NY Times shed more light on the defense strategy [here is the WaPo, and links to the court filings are here].
From the AP:
Lawyers for a former top White House aide charged in the CIA leak
investigation said Thursday the prosecutor should surrender a wide
range of information about news organizations and their reporters,
including The Washington Post's Bob Woodward.
Special Counsel
Patrick Fitzgerald has failed to disclose information that would enable
the vice president's former chief of staff, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby,
to properly defend himself, his attorneys argued in papers filed with
U.S. District Judge Reggie Walton.
...
A federal grand jury accused Libby of lying when he said he learned
about Ms. Wilson's identity from reporters. The indictment contends
Libby found out about her identity from the CIA, the State Department
and his boss, Vice President Dick Cheney.
"The government should
not be allowed to charge Mr. Libby with lying about statements
concerning what reporters knew about Ms. Wilson's identity, and at the
same time deny him information that may establish one of these possible
defenses," Libby's lawyers argued in a 23-page brief.
"The
government has refused to produce information in its possession about
what reporters learned from sources other than Mr. Libby about Ms.
Wilson's employment status," Libby's legal team argued.
The prosecutor has asserted that "such documents are not relevant to a perjury and obstruction case."
"It
is material to the preparation of the defense to determine the identity
of all reporters who know that Ms. Wilson worked for the CIA, and to
discover when they learned such information, from whom they learned it
and whether they disclosed it further after learning it," Libby's legal
team said.
Tim Russert is a bit of a focal point in the AP version:
The indictment says Libby lied when he told investigators he learned
of Ms. Wilson's identity from NBC correspondent Tim Russert; when he
told Time magazine reporter Matt Cooper that reporters were telling the
Bush administration that Ms. Wilson worked for the CIA; and when Libby
told investigators he did not discuss Wilson's wife with New York Times
reporter Judith Miller.
Libby would have the right to produce
testimony that tended to show many reporters knew about Ms. Wilson's
CIA employment and that Russert did make the statement Libby allegedly
attributed to him, but that Russert had forgotten about it, the court
filing stated.
In addition, the defense could argue that Libby's
statement to investigators that "all reporters knew" about Ms. Wilson's
CIA connection is a factually correct statement that was made to Libby
and that it shows Libby "is simply confused about whether Mr. Russert
is the source of the statement," the papers added.
Ahh, the defense won't be accusing Mr. Russert of lying, but they will suggest that he may have misremembered. Oh, boy. We had extensive excerpts from Mr. Russert's problematic statements here, and misremembering is a distinct possibility. Bonus speculation - all of Russert's oddly evasive answers are designed to let him say that he has never lied, or misremembered, to the American people. Hmmph - Fitzgerald represents We the People, yes?
Well, maybe Russert wants to be able to say he never lied directly, or on air, or some such. No matter - if the defense can make this stick, he is doomed, and he knows it. Mr. Russert won't mention that little conflict on air, of course, but he knows it. In any event, fans of Mr. Russert will not want to miss the spanking he receives from Arianna over 'Lukegate'.
Reuters shines a light in a different direction:
The attorneys said the motion concerned their request for documents
and information on three important issues: "What did the press know
prior to July 14, 2003, about whether Valerie Plame Wilson worked at
the CIA, from whom did they learn it and with whom did they discuss it."
They
said turning over the information would enable them to decide the
necessity and scope of pretrial subpoenas for journalists and news
organizations.
The motion made clear that what the reporters knew will be an important part of the defense strategy.
"It
is necessary for the defense to determine and investigate which
individuals served as sources for journalists who learned about Ms.
Wilson's employment status prior to July 14, 2003," they said.
"Once
we learn the names of the reporters' sources, we will attempt to
interview them, investigate whether they discussed information about
Ms. Wilson with anyone else and evaluate whether to subpoena them for
testimony at trial," they said.
Libby's lawyers also sought
copies of subpoenas issued to reporters and news organizations during
the prosecutor's grand jury investigation into the leak, and any
agreements to limit the scope of information provided by the reporters.
We are especially intrigued by the defense attempt to learn about "any
agreements to limit the scope of information provided by the reporters [to Fitzgerald]". Gentlemen such as Mr. Pincus of the Post may be asked questions by the defense that Fitzgerald passed over, such as, "Was the leak you received on July 12 your first hint that Ambassador Wilson's wife was at the CIA, or had other sources mentioned this to you earlier?".
David Johnston of the NY Times notes another distinct possibility, although he does not name his colleague Nick Kristof:
The defense request strongly suggested that Mr. Libby's defense could
turn on the testimony of reporters, who are expected to be called as
witnesses in the trial, including those who testified during the grand
jury investigation about their conversations with confidential sources
and perhaps others who have not yet been identified.
Emphasis added. And let's suggest some more names - based on her famous Oct 3, 2003 statement that, among reporters pursuing the Niger story, the fact that Wilson's wife was at the CIA was "widely known", it seems a fair bet that chatting with Andrea Mitchell will be a part of the defense strategy. To compound the confusion, in Oct 2005 Ms. Mitchell admitted that she had spoken with investigators, but later she decided to tell Don Imus that she had "in no way" cooperated with the Fitzgerald investigation. Maybe she spoke with investigators before Fitzgerald took over? She ought to have lots to chat about, so I doubt her conversation with Libby's lawyers will flag.
My Not So Bold Prediction - this trial will mark a watershed in the history of the media in America.
UPDATE: The WaPo filed past my bedtime, but they add the news that Andrea Mitchell and Walter Pincus (as well as the obvious choice, Bob Woodward) are mentioned in the papers.
The court papers also mentioned an interest in questioning NBC News
reporter Andrea Mitchell, who suggested in an October 2003 news program
that it was "common knowledge" among some intelligence reporters that
Plame worked at the CIA, and Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus,
who allegedly learned about Plame from another unidentified source in
2003.
"Common knowledge"? Among the people following the Plame story, it is widely known that Ms. Mitchell did not use the phrase in quotes. Well, no good deed goes unpunished; Carol Leonnig of the WaPo did a good job reporting that Mitchell tidbit, and now we will attempt to pry a correction out of her. The key Mitchell transcripts are gathered here; suggestions welcome (please keep them within the realm of physically possibility).
The WaPo nearly brought a tear to me eye with this:
The defense effort to delve deeper into Fitzgerald's investigation, if
successful, could divulge the identities of some anonymous, high-level
government sources whom reporters and news organizations have spent
years and millions of dollars in legal fees protecting from public
view.
Oh, poor dears. This next bit echoes David Johnston of the Times:
The defense strategy is expected to pull several high-profile
Washington journalists into a legal battle over the First Amendment,
many of them for a second time.
Many for a second time, some for the first. The subpoena, the court fight, the adverse rulings, the deposition, the testimony - these high profile journalists may as well prepare themselves to walk the line.
MORE: Jeralyn Merritt has excerpts from the court filing. Now, we have a question for Ms. Merritt, whose ghastly conflict of interest makes her a good person to ask - does the Libby request for this information seem likely to be granted by a judge?
The conflict - as a top-notch defense attorney, Ms. Merritt probably has never been satisified that a prosecutor provided everything she wanted; on the other hand, she is not exactly Libby's biggest booster in the blogosphere.
My two cents - this looks like a lay-up, for at least some of these reporters (Nick Kristof may be a fishing trip).
FINALLY: In response to overwhelming reader demand, here is some contact info for the Libby defense fund. I noted my personal caveats here; frankly, I can think of a million more worthy causes than bailing out a millionaire Washington lawyer up for too-cute perjury. (And this comes from a guy who buys tickets to watch Jeter and A Rod).
However - if you are agonizing between a check for Libby and a check for Hillary 2008, here you go:
Libby Legal Defense Trust
2100 M Street, N.W.
Suite 170-362
Washington, D.C. 20037-1233
ADDENDUM: The WaPo provides helpful links to the Libby indictment, the press release summary, and the Fitzgerald press conference.
Glenn: I think they didn't go through the FISA process for the simple reason you've already suggested: that the surveillance they wanted to engage in was unlawful under FISA and thus would never be approved by the FISA court.
My guess is that it goes beyond FISA in three ways:
1. As you note, FISA requires a showing of probable cause. They're working on a somewhat-to-much lower "reasonable basis" showing (and of course, because they're not going to a court, they only have to satisfy *themselves* of the lower showing).
2. Probable cause or reasonable basis that . . . what? Under FISA, that the *targeted* person in the U.S. is an agent of a foreign power. (We're principally talking about domestic-to-foreign calls here -- international-to-domestic calls were never covered by FISA in the first place unless intercepted in the U.S.) But I get the distinct sense from their public statements that the Administration is requiring only a reasonable basis that a party on *either* end of the communication is "covered." An example: You're the cousin of someone who they suspect of being Al Qaeda overseas. They tap *your* outgoing calls to your cousin, even where there's no proof that you have anything to do with Al Qaeda. FISA wouldn't allow that, even *with* probable cause that your foreign cousin is an agent of a foreign power.
3. They're not limiting it to proof (or "reasonable basis") that someone on the call is an agent of a foreign power. It appears to be enough under the NSA program that one person on the call (again, at either end) is a member of a group affiliated with a foreign power -- which could be a far cry from being an agent of a foreign power (let alone a foreign power responsible for 9/11 and thus covered by the AUMF). Again, that goes beyond FISA.
Because a good number of the calls involve one or more of those three diversions from FISA standards, going through the FISA Court was not an option. That's my best guess right now, anyway.
Good work -- Marty